S. Sudan church leader appeals to youth to be exemplary
Monday 23 February 2009 03:30.
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By Isaac Vuni
February 22, 2009 (JUBA) — The Vicar General of the Catholic Archdiocese of Juba, Fr. Lawrence Kose, today appealed to youth of Southern Sudan to be exemplary to each other and to avoid politicians’ exploitations and embracing so-called “nigger” behaviors brought from foreign countries.
The term “nigger” is currently used to describe a section of Sudanese youth, which has adopted certain foreign modes of dress and behaviour, and is anecdotally associated with criminal activities.
Fr. Kose urges youth of South Sudan to totally discredit “nigger” behaviour now derailing the rule-of-law system particularly in major towns.
The middle-aged spiritual leader stated that those involved in deadly activities are mostly children of senior government officials who previously were studying either in Egypt or America and who now are terrorizing major cities of Southern Sudan particularly metropolitan Juba and Eastern Equatoria. He added that when the youths are apprehended by police on patrol duty, their elders rush to order their release.
Celebrating the 23rd anniversary of Youth in the Archdiocese, the vicar general advised youth to reject being politically manipulated especially during the coming national election scheduled for July this year. He went on to say youth are the leaders of today rather than just tomorrow; therefore they have the full right to elect capable people among themselves.
Otherwise, when it is time for war the politicians rush to the youth to fight despite that they are marginalized from positions when war is over, Kose noted. The positions are occupied by the politicians claiming that youth are still young to rule, he cautioned.
The elected chairman of the youth is Emmanuel Nason, the secretary general is William Kalisto, the secretary for information is Elizabeth Musa and the financial secretary is Simon Alesio.
In the current government of Southern Sudan, only one youth holds a ministerial level position, in Commerce and Industry.
Tuesday, June 9, 2009
Religion , Nationalism, and Peace in Sudan
Religion, Ethics, and Human Rights Activities Index
Overview
Religion, Nationalism, and Peace in Sudan
Religion, Nationalism, and Peace in SudanA U.S. Institute of Peace Conference
September 16-17, 1997
David Little, Chester Crocker, Francis Deng and others welcome participants on the opening day.
Overview
The Institute of Peace hosted a two-day meeting on September 16-17, 1997 in Washington D.C. to examine the role of religion and ideology within the continuing civil war in Sudan. The first day of the September conference reviewed the larger issues of religious identity and intolerance in Sudan's civil war, with a particular emphasis on the policies of the National Islamic Front (NIF), while the second day focused more specifically on the requirements for resolving the civil war and the implications for U.S. policy. [Read the concept paper written for the conference.]
An overview of the conference agenda is provided below, including links to transcripts from each panel session. Several of the papers presented at the conference are also available below.
Conference Concept Paper
Religion, Nationalism, and Peace in Sudan: A U.S. Institute of Peace Conference
In October 1991, the Religion, Ethics and Human Rights program of the U.S. Institute of Peace held a meeting to examine the role of religion, nationalism and intolerance as sources of conflict in Sudan's continuing civil war. That conference was part of a larger series investigating how and why certain religious and fundamental beliefs create or contribute to hostility and war. The series has sought to better understand the role of religion within conflict and to identify means for easing the tensions created by religious nationalism.
The Institute's 1991 conference highlighted the historical role of religious identity and intolerance in Sudan's civil war. While the war is not simply a matter of religious differences, it was argued that the various factors contributing to the conflict have found expression in religious terms. The struggle for political authority and economic resources has been closely tied to communal tensions between North and South. Since religion has been so significant in defining communal identity, issues such as racial discrimination and the disparity in wealth and power between North and South have been seen by many as inseparable from religion.
The potency of religion within this context is derived from both its influence on ethnic identity and the close link between nationalism and religious beliefs. These two issues come together in what Francis Deng has called the "war of visions" for the country. The predominantly Muslim North has historically perceived Sudan as a single country composed of one people divided by colonial powers. Northern policies have subsequently sought to "re-unite" the country through a process of Arabization and Islamization. Such policies, however, have generated antagonism among the southern population whose indigenous cultural values combined with Christianity to create a common identity, one defined largely in opposition to Northern attitudes and policies. Because government policy since independence has by and large disregarded Sudan's multi-religious character and the South's contrasting identity, conflict and civil war has remained endemic.
Southern opposition groups have consistently opposed the North's efforts of forced unity, and have argued for either complete separation from the North or a secular political structure coupled with a restructuring of Sudanese national identity. Significantly, freedom of religion and greater regional autonomy have been the foundations of several negotiated agreements reached between northern and southern parties (which were either abrogated or left unimplemented), most notably the Addis Ababa accords of 1972.
Before producing a report on this topic, we need to revisit the situation in Sudan and update our assessment. In the interim, the civil war has continued unabated, and numerous efforts at mediation have proven unsuccessful. Significant realignments, however, have blurred the traditional North-South character of the conflict. The dominant Northern opposition parties have joined together and allied themselves with John Garang and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), while Riak Machar's Southern Sudan Independence Army (SSIA) has joined forces with the Khartoum government. Involvement of other countries in Sudan's civil war has further complicated this latest stage of the conflict.
While these changes have undoubtedly affected the dynamics of the war, many of the underlying issues remain. First, it is unlikely that either side can resolve the long-standing conflict through force, and a negotiated settlement remains the best hope for ending the fighting. Second, the content of such an accord would still need to address the basic institutional requirements for a stable multi-ethnic society in a post-conflict period, including provision for freedom of religion and belief, and non-discrimination in regard to religion, race and language. Whether such an agreement is possible today-one that would include some form of power-sharing arrangement and a more inclusive legal framework with particular reference to religion and identity-remains in question. This is particularly relevant since the requirements for such an arrangement appear to be so at odds with the particular interpretation of shari'a and Islam advocated by the National Islamic Front. Finally, self-determination for the South remains a heated question, despite the political re-alignments.
The Institute's September conference will re-examine these issues in light of current changes, and focus particularly on the extent to which religion and ideology remain a part of the conflict today. Has the alignment of the SPLM with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) fundamentally altered the dynamic and requirements for resolution of the conflict, or do long-standing tensions over a secular state remain? Does the political will exist for adopting a pluralist framework among the northern Sudanese, either within the NIF or the NDA? What are the implications for U.S. foreign policy?
The conference will begin with introductory remarks from the Institute of Peace representatives and Francis Deng of the Brookings Institution. The first panel will then proceed with a review of the NIF's Islamic objectives in Sudan. This panel will explore competing interpretations of Islam in Sudan, and how Islam should and does relate to politics in that country. Particular attention will be paid to the Islamization program undertaken by the current regime since 1989, and what kind of impact this has had on the continuing civil war. The second panel will then review the issue of religion and identity in the South, and, again, how this relates to the civil war and the previous discussion of Northern identity and religious affiliation. This section will provide a southern perspective on the issues identified in the previous panel.
The first day will conclude with a panel exploring the "second-tier" conflicts, looking in turn at the conflict between the southern factions and the similar tensions between the northern opposition parties and the ruling regime. Should a resolution of the civil war be attained, what are the implications of the current split in the southern forces for a future Southern Sudan? Are Nuer-Dinka tensions likely to increase or decrease under such a scenario? In regard to the North, the Northern political parties have never differentiated themselves to any great extent in regard to the issue of shari'a. If the current military regime were to step down, would the Northern parties be willing to embrace an interpretation of Islam and Islamic law consistent with international human rights standards and with southern demands for a restructured national character or self-determination leading to a new state?
The first panel of the second day will provide differing perspectives from Western analysts and academics on these same issues. The panelists will be asked for their analysis of the NIF's policies, the significance of religion in the civil war today, and, finally, the implications for resolving the conflict in Sudan. While these first four panels will provide differing perspectives on the general issue of religion and politics in Sudan, the remainder of the conference will focus specifically on issues of reconciliation and public policy. To this end, the panelists will be asked how relevant the principles of the previous peace agreements are to the current situation-particularly in regard to freedom of religion and greater regional autonomy. Assuming some relevance, three further questions will be posed: (1) to what extent can religious pluralism -- a separation of religion from the state apparatus -- be accepted in Sudan? (2) Is reconciliation between North and South viable? Finally, (3) what are the legal and institutional requirements for religious tolerance and pluralism in a post-conflict situation, either in a unified state or as two separate states.
Finally, the meeting will conclude with a review of U.S. foreign policy towards Sudan, and, particularly, the implications of the NIF's Islamization program for Western policy makers. If issues of religious identity and pluralism are significant in the ongoing civil war, what can U.S. policy do to address these issues? Specifically, what options are available to U.S. policymakers to (a) mitigate religious persecution in the country and (b) promote inter-communal reconciliation? Finally, to what extent is the current regime's support for militant groups tied to the NIF's interpretation of Islam, and how can U.S. policy address this?
Agenda
Tuesday, September 16, 1997
9:30 AM - Welcoming Remarks and Introduction
- Chester A. Crocker, U.S. Institute of Peace- David Little, U.S. Institute of Peace- Francis Deng, Brookings Institution
View the panel transcript
10:30 AM - Panel One:"Islam and Islamization in Sudan"
- Mohammed Mahmoud, Tufts University- Abdelwahab El-Affendi, University of Westminster- Respondent: Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Rhode Island College
View the panel transcript
12:30 PM - Lunch
2:00 PM - Panel Two: "Religion and Identity in the South"
- Francis Deng, Brookings Institution- Marc Nikkel, Episcopal Church- Respondent: Bona Malwal, Sudan Democratic Gazette
View the panel transcript
3:45 PM - Break
4:00 PM - Panel Three: "Intra-Regional Conflicts and the Implications for North-South Reconciliation"
- Wal Duany, Indiana University- Steven Wondu, Sudan Peoples' Liberation Movement- Taisier Mohamed Ahmed Ali, Univ. of Toronto- Ann Mosely Lesch, Villanova University- Respondent: David Smock, U.S. Institute of Peace
View the panel transcript
Wednesday, September 17, 1997
9:00 AM - Panel One: "Western Perspectives on Religion and Politics in Sudan"
- Kate Almquist, World Vision- John Voll, Georgetown University- Respondent: Jemera Rone, Human Rights Watch
View the panel transcript
10:45 AM - Break
11:00 AM - Panel Two: "Religious Pluralism, Constitutional Issues and Reconciliation in Sudan"
- Peter Nyot Kok, Max Planck Institute- Adam Abdelmoula, Georgetown University- Respondent: Ann Mayer, University of Pennsylvania
View the panel transcript
1:00 PM - Lunch
2:30 PM - Panel Three: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy
- John Prendergast, National Security Council- Roger Winter, U.S. Committee for Refugees- Ted Dagne, Congressional Research Service- Respondent: William Lowrey, Presbyterian Church (USA)
View the panel transcript
4:30 PM Concluding discussion and remarks from Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki
View the panel transcript
Conference Papers
"Islam and Islamization in Sudan: The Islamic National Front"(A Paper by Mohamed Mahmoud)
"The Limits and Dilemmas of 'Secular' Re-Islamisation Programmes: The Case of the Sudan"(A Paper by Abdelwahab El-Affendi)
"Sudan: The Authentic Portrait"(An Address by Ambassador Mahdi Ibraahim Mohamed, Embassy of Sudan)
"Religion and Politics in Sudan: A Humanitarian Agency's Perspective"(A Paper by Kate Almquist)
"An Ideology of Domination and the Domination of Ideology: Islamism, Politics and the Constitution in the Sudan"(A Paper by Adam M. Abdelmoula)
"The Challenges of Peace"(A Paper by Steven Wondu)
Overview
Religion, Nationalism, and Peace in Sudan
Religion, Nationalism, and Peace in SudanA U.S. Institute of Peace Conference
September 16-17, 1997
David Little, Chester Crocker, Francis Deng and others welcome participants on the opening day.
Overview
The Institute of Peace hosted a two-day meeting on September 16-17, 1997 in Washington D.C. to examine the role of religion and ideology within the continuing civil war in Sudan. The first day of the September conference reviewed the larger issues of religious identity and intolerance in Sudan's civil war, with a particular emphasis on the policies of the National Islamic Front (NIF), while the second day focused more specifically on the requirements for resolving the civil war and the implications for U.S. policy. [Read the concept paper written for the conference.]
An overview of the conference agenda is provided below, including links to transcripts from each panel session. Several of the papers presented at the conference are also available below.
Conference Concept Paper
Religion, Nationalism, and Peace in Sudan: A U.S. Institute of Peace Conference
In October 1991, the Religion, Ethics and Human Rights program of the U.S. Institute of Peace held a meeting to examine the role of religion, nationalism and intolerance as sources of conflict in Sudan's continuing civil war. That conference was part of a larger series investigating how and why certain religious and fundamental beliefs create or contribute to hostility and war. The series has sought to better understand the role of religion within conflict and to identify means for easing the tensions created by religious nationalism.
The Institute's 1991 conference highlighted the historical role of religious identity and intolerance in Sudan's civil war. While the war is not simply a matter of religious differences, it was argued that the various factors contributing to the conflict have found expression in religious terms. The struggle for political authority and economic resources has been closely tied to communal tensions between North and South. Since religion has been so significant in defining communal identity, issues such as racial discrimination and the disparity in wealth and power between North and South have been seen by many as inseparable from religion.
The potency of religion within this context is derived from both its influence on ethnic identity and the close link between nationalism and religious beliefs. These two issues come together in what Francis Deng has called the "war of visions" for the country. The predominantly Muslim North has historically perceived Sudan as a single country composed of one people divided by colonial powers. Northern policies have subsequently sought to "re-unite" the country through a process of Arabization and Islamization. Such policies, however, have generated antagonism among the southern population whose indigenous cultural values combined with Christianity to create a common identity, one defined largely in opposition to Northern attitudes and policies. Because government policy since independence has by and large disregarded Sudan's multi-religious character and the South's contrasting identity, conflict and civil war has remained endemic.
Southern opposition groups have consistently opposed the North's efforts of forced unity, and have argued for either complete separation from the North or a secular political structure coupled with a restructuring of Sudanese national identity. Significantly, freedom of religion and greater regional autonomy have been the foundations of several negotiated agreements reached between northern and southern parties (which were either abrogated or left unimplemented), most notably the Addis Ababa accords of 1972.
Before producing a report on this topic, we need to revisit the situation in Sudan and update our assessment. In the interim, the civil war has continued unabated, and numerous efforts at mediation have proven unsuccessful. Significant realignments, however, have blurred the traditional North-South character of the conflict. The dominant Northern opposition parties have joined together and allied themselves with John Garang and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), while Riak Machar's Southern Sudan Independence Army (SSIA) has joined forces with the Khartoum government. Involvement of other countries in Sudan's civil war has further complicated this latest stage of the conflict.
While these changes have undoubtedly affected the dynamics of the war, many of the underlying issues remain. First, it is unlikely that either side can resolve the long-standing conflict through force, and a negotiated settlement remains the best hope for ending the fighting. Second, the content of such an accord would still need to address the basic institutional requirements for a stable multi-ethnic society in a post-conflict period, including provision for freedom of religion and belief, and non-discrimination in regard to religion, race and language. Whether such an agreement is possible today-one that would include some form of power-sharing arrangement and a more inclusive legal framework with particular reference to religion and identity-remains in question. This is particularly relevant since the requirements for such an arrangement appear to be so at odds with the particular interpretation of shari'a and Islam advocated by the National Islamic Front. Finally, self-determination for the South remains a heated question, despite the political re-alignments.
The Institute's September conference will re-examine these issues in light of current changes, and focus particularly on the extent to which religion and ideology remain a part of the conflict today. Has the alignment of the SPLM with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) fundamentally altered the dynamic and requirements for resolution of the conflict, or do long-standing tensions over a secular state remain? Does the political will exist for adopting a pluralist framework among the northern Sudanese, either within the NIF or the NDA? What are the implications for U.S. foreign policy?
The conference will begin with introductory remarks from the Institute of Peace representatives and Francis Deng of the Brookings Institution. The first panel will then proceed with a review of the NIF's Islamic objectives in Sudan. This panel will explore competing interpretations of Islam in Sudan, and how Islam should and does relate to politics in that country. Particular attention will be paid to the Islamization program undertaken by the current regime since 1989, and what kind of impact this has had on the continuing civil war. The second panel will then review the issue of religion and identity in the South, and, again, how this relates to the civil war and the previous discussion of Northern identity and religious affiliation. This section will provide a southern perspective on the issues identified in the previous panel.
The first day will conclude with a panel exploring the "second-tier" conflicts, looking in turn at the conflict between the southern factions and the similar tensions between the northern opposition parties and the ruling regime. Should a resolution of the civil war be attained, what are the implications of the current split in the southern forces for a future Southern Sudan? Are Nuer-Dinka tensions likely to increase or decrease under such a scenario? In regard to the North, the Northern political parties have never differentiated themselves to any great extent in regard to the issue of shari'a. If the current military regime were to step down, would the Northern parties be willing to embrace an interpretation of Islam and Islamic law consistent with international human rights standards and with southern demands for a restructured national character or self-determination leading to a new state?
The first panel of the second day will provide differing perspectives from Western analysts and academics on these same issues. The panelists will be asked for their analysis of the NIF's policies, the significance of religion in the civil war today, and, finally, the implications for resolving the conflict in Sudan. While these first four panels will provide differing perspectives on the general issue of religion and politics in Sudan, the remainder of the conference will focus specifically on issues of reconciliation and public policy. To this end, the panelists will be asked how relevant the principles of the previous peace agreements are to the current situation-particularly in regard to freedom of religion and greater regional autonomy. Assuming some relevance, three further questions will be posed: (1) to what extent can religious pluralism -- a separation of religion from the state apparatus -- be accepted in Sudan? (2) Is reconciliation between North and South viable? Finally, (3) what are the legal and institutional requirements for religious tolerance and pluralism in a post-conflict situation, either in a unified state or as two separate states.
Finally, the meeting will conclude with a review of U.S. foreign policy towards Sudan, and, particularly, the implications of the NIF's Islamization program for Western policy makers. If issues of religious identity and pluralism are significant in the ongoing civil war, what can U.S. policy do to address these issues? Specifically, what options are available to U.S. policymakers to (a) mitigate religious persecution in the country and (b) promote inter-communal reconciliation? Finally, to what extent is the current regime's support for militant groups tied to the NIF's interpretation of Islam, and how can U.S. policy address this?
Agenda
Tuesday, September 16, 1997
9:30 AM - Welcoming Remarks and Introduction
- Chester A. Crocker, U.S. Institute of Peace- David Little, U.S. Institute of Peace- Francis Deng, Brookings Institution
View the panel transcript
10:30 AM - Panel One:"Islam and Islamization in Sudan"
- Mohammed Mahmoud, Tufts University- Abdelwahab El-Affendi, University of Westminster- Respondent: Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Rhode Island College
View the panel transcript
12:30 PM - Lunch
2:00 PM - Panel Two: "Religion and Identity in the South"
- Francis Deng, Brookings Institution- Marc Nikkel, Episcopal Church- Respondent: Bona Malwal, Sudan Democratic Gazette
View the panel transcript
3:45 PM - Break
4:00 PM - Panel Three: "Intra-Regional Conflicts and the Implications for North-South Reconciliation"
- Wal Duany, Indiana University- Steven Wondu, Sudan Peoples' Liberation Movement- Taisier Mohamed Ahmed Ali, Univ. of Toronto- Ann Mosely Lesch, Villanova University- Respondent: David Smock, U.S. Institute of Peace
View the panel transcript
Wednesday, September 17, 1997
9:00 AM - Panel One: "Western Perspectives on Religion and Politics in Sudan"
- Kate Almquist, World Vision- John Voll, Georgetown University- Respondent: Jemera Rone, Human Rights Watch
View the panel transcript
10:45 AM - Break
11:00 AM - Panel Two: "Religious Pluralism, Constitutional Issues and Reconciliation in Sudan"
- Peter Nyot Kok, Max Planck Institute- Adam Abdelmoula, Georgetown University- Respondent: Ann Mayer, University of Pennsylvania
View the panel transcript
1:00 PM - Lunch
2:30 PM - Panel Three: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy
- John Prendergast, National Security Council- Roger Winter, U.S. Committee for Refugees- Ted Dagne, Congressional Research Service- Respondent: William Lowrey, Presbyterian Church (USA)
View the panel transcript
4:30 PM Concluding discussion and remarks from Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki
View the panel transcript
Conference Papers
"Islam and Islamization in Sudan: The Islamic National Front"(A Paper by Mohamed Mahmoud)
"The Limits and Dilemmas of 'Secular' Re-Islamisation Programmes: The Case of the Sudan"(A Paper by Abdelwahab El-Affendi)
"Sudan: The Authentic Portrait"(An Address by Ambassador Mahdi Ibraahim Mohamed, Embassy of Sudan)
"Religion and Politics in Sudan: A Humanitarian Agency's Perspective"(A Paper by Kate Almquist)
"An Ideology of Domination and the Domination of Ideology: Islamism, Politics and the Constitution in the Sudan"(A Paper by Adam M. Abdelmoula)
"The Challenges of Peace"(A Paper by Steven Wondu)
Saturday, May 23, 2009
Friday, May 22, 2009
Finally, the Sudanese government announced the Census Result
Finally, the Sudanese government announced the census results yesterday. Population number is announced to be 39.154,490, out of which 21 percent are said to live in the south (8.260,490). Although the SPLM chairman Salwa Kiir announced the endorsement of the results before he went to attend the inauguration of South African President Zuma last week, this number is highly contested by other SPLM members, and even by the chairman himself in a meeting in Bentiu 2 days ago, as all percentages in the CPA (for power sharing etc) are based on the estimation, that Southerners are 1/3 of the population. The census of course is also most relevant for the upcoming elections, and boarder demarcations...
Reservations against the census results have been also expressed by the Beja congress and voices from Darfur.
more soon
Sudan announces details of contested census results
Friday 22 May 2009.
May 21, 2009 (KHARTOUM) – The Sudanese government announced today the detailed results of the fifth national census that SPLM former rebels have threatened to reject. Counting the results was considered crucial to prepare next year’s elections.
The total of Sudan’s population is 39,154,490, with 8,260,490 living in the south, 21 percent of the national population, Central Bureau of Statistics head Yassin Al-Haj Abdin announced today in a press conference.
Khartoum’s population is estimated at 5,074,321 followed by South Darfur state at 4,039,594; Al Jazeera state is in the third place with 3,575,280 followed by North Kordofan with 2,920,992.
According to the announced census result, some 520,000 southern Sudanese are living in the north.
Sudan conducted its fifth Population and Housing Census, a milestone in the implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), from April 22 to May 6, 2008. It was the first all-inclusive census for people of southern Sudan since Sudan became independent in January 1956.
The conduct of the census-taking had been hindered by many problems in southern Sudan and South Kordofan. Moreover, political forces and rebels in Darfur called on the government to postpone it until the settlement of the armed conflict in western Sudan.
In southern Sudan, Jonglei State has the highest population with 1,358,602, followed by Central Equatoria State with 1,103,592, Warrap State 972,928, Upper Nile State 964,353, Eastern Equatoria State 906,126, Northern Bahr El-Ghazal state 720,898, Lakes state 695,730, Western Equatoria State 619,029, Unity State 588,801 and Western Bahr El-Ghazal State with 333,431.
Abidin told reporters that the reservations held by the Office of the Census for Southern Sudan on the results of the census had no basis and that these had been superseded by the approval of the presidency.
Southern Sudanese officials say they account for one third of the total population.
The Sudanese presidency in a meeting held on May 6 approved the result of the fifth census. However, the First Vice-President and head of the semi-autonomous government in southern Sudan Salva Kiir Mayadrit said he is unhappy with the results of the census conducted last year and called for it to be excluded from wealth- and power-sharing formulas articulated in the 2005 peace agreement.
The SPLM chairman, speaking on May 18 to the Southern Sudan Sultans conference in Bentiu, the capital of Unity State, said he is "unhappy and unsatisfied with the census results." He also suggested reverting back to the old constituency system in the elections to avoid controversy.
The head of the Southern Sudan Commission for Census, Statistics and Evaluation Isaiah Chol had complained that the numbers of Southerners in the North turned out less than expected. He also expressed surprise regarding the increase in the population of Darfur since the 1993 census.
Chol said that the Southern commission did not get the chance to document the information on the North due to lack of cooperation with the central office.
The fifth census was conducted under the supervision of an independent multiparty stakeholder body that included foreign monitors. Pali Lehohla, from South Africa and chief adviser of the Monitoring and Observation Committee assessed the census operation as a "success."
In a letter obtained by Sudan Tribune dated April 11, he suggested that Sudan’s census was a "unique experience that is worth replicating in other census undertakings especially for countries that are in conflict or emerging out of conflict."
Reservations against the census results have been also expressed by the Beja congress and voices from Darfur.
more soon
Sudan announces details of contested census results
Friday 22 May 2009.
May 21, 2009 (KHARTOUM) – The Sudanese government announced today the detailed results of the fifth national census that SPLM former rebels have threatened to reject. Counting the results was considered crucial to prepare next year’s elections.
The total of Sudan’s population is 39,154,490, with 8,260,490 living in the south, 21 percent of the national population, Central Bureau of Statistics head Yassin Al-Haj Abdin announced today in a press conference.
Khartoum’s population is estimated at 5,074,321 followed by South Darfur state at 4,039,594; Al Jazeera state is in the third place with 3,575,280 followed by North Kordofan with 2,920,992.
According to the announced census result, some 520,000 southern Sudanese are living in the north.
Sudan conducted its fifth Population and Housing Census, a milestone in the implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), from April 22 to May 6, 2008. It was the first all-inclusive census for people of southern Sudan since Sudan became independent in January 1956.
The conduct of the census-taking had been hindered by many problems in southern Sudan and South Kordofan. Moreover, political forces and rebels in Darfur called on the government to postpone it until the settlement of the armed conflict in western Sudan.
In southern Sudan, Jonglei State has the highest population with 1,358,602, followed by Central Equatoria State with 1,103,592, Warrap State 972,928, Upper Nile State 964,353, Eastern Equatoria State 906,126, Northern Bahr El-Ghazal state 720,898, Lakes state 695,730, Western Equatoria State 619,029, Unity State 588,801 and Western Bahr El-Ghazal State with 333,431.
Abidin told reporters that the reservations held by the Office of the Census for Southern Sudan on the results of the census had no basis and that these had been superseded by the approval of the presidency.
Southern Sudanese officials say they account for one third of the total population.
The Sudanese presidency in a meeting held on May 6 approved the result of the fifth census. However, the First Vice-President and head of the semi-autonomous government in southern Sudan Salva Kiir Mayadrit said he is unhappy with the results of the census conducted last year and called for it to be excluded from wealth- and power-sharing formulas articulated in the 2005 peace agreement.
The SPLM chairman, speaking on May 18 to the Southern Sudan Sultans conference in Bentiu, the capital of Unity State, said he is "unhappy and unsatisfied with the census results." He also suggested reverting back to the old constituency system in the elections to avoid controversy.
The head of the Southern Sudan Commission for Census, Statistics and Evaluation Isaiah Chol had complained that the numbers of Southerners in the North turned out less than expected. He also expressed surprise regarding the increase in the population of Darfur since the 1993 census.
Chol said that the Southern commission did not get the chance to document the information on the North due to lack of cooperation with the central office.
The fifth census was conducted under the supervision of an independent multiparty stakeholder body that included foreign monitors. Pali Lehohla, from South Africa and chief adviser of the Monitoring and Observation Committee assessed the census operation as a "success."
In a letter obtained by Sudan Tribune dated April 11, he suggested that Sudan’s census was a "unique experience that is worth replicating in other census undertakings especially for countries that are in conflict or emerging out of conflict."
Wednesday, May 6, 2009
NATIONAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION
SUDAN / NATIONAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION
TRT: 2:33
SOURCE: UNMIS
RESTRICTIONS: NONE
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH/ NATS
DATELINE: 08 APRIL 2009, KHARTOUM, SUDAN
SHOTLIST:
1. Wide shot, exterior, National Elections Commission offices in Sudan
2. Med shot, sign showing the National Elections Commission
3. SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdullah Ahamed Abdalla:
“It is historic because it paves the way for the Sudan for the transition to democracy and real democracy – the tool for real democracy is elections. So this is a situation emanating from the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) providing an opportunity for the people of Sudan at the end of the fourth year after the CPA to exercise their right in elections for the coming governance.”
4. Cutaway,
5. SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“It must be fair and free and correct – and second – it is measured by the level of participation by people in this election – so in preparing these elections, the National Elections Commission takes this very seriously.”
6. Wide shot, Deputy Chairman of the National Elections Commission
7. SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“If there is a certain problem in a certain area that will prohibit a certain process – a certain part of the process of the elections, then the national committee can look into that and can decide about what is needed to do to the extent of postponing that particular problem - not all the elections.”
8. Med shot, Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier
9. SOUNDBITE (English) Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier:
“We know in the game, there will be losers and there will be gainers – and one of the rules of the game is to take it well – take it in a sports-man-like spirit. Accept the defeat if you are defeated and promise to win next time. And greet your opponent and wish him well.”
10. Med shot, sign showing name of the Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier
STORYLINE:
Sudan's National Elections Commission (NEC) has announced a time frame for an election which was initially expected to happen in July 2009. The proposed time frame indicates that polling will now happen for 16 days in February 2010.
Speaking in an interview nearly a week after the announcement, top officials within the independent NEC based in Khartoum said the elections would pave way for democracy and winners and losers should take it in stride.
SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“It is historic because it paves the way for the Sudan for the transition to democracy and real democracy – the tool for real democracy is elections. So this is a situation emanating from the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) providing an opportunity for the people of Sudan at the end of the fourth year after the CPA to exercise their right in elections for the coming governance.”
Voters will be asked to cast ballots in six elections for the presidency of Sudan, the presidency of Southern Sudan, the national assembly, the Southern Sudan legislative assembly and governors and legislative assemblies in all of the country's 25 states. The final results will be announced on February 27.
SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“It must be fair and free and correct – and second – it is measured by the level of participation by people in this elections – so in preparing these elections, the National Elections Commission takes this very seriously.”
Sudan's NEC was sworn in last year on November 25th, ushering in a much needed election with the hope that it will be conducted in a free and fair manner.
The commission says that it will freely allow elections observers at different stages of the process.
Speaking in reference to problems in Sudan’s vast Darfur region which has been plagued by conflict in which over 200,000 people have died and thousands others displaced, the Deputy Chairman said the NEC was at liberty to make decisions.
SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“If there is a certain problem in a certain area that will prohibit a certain process – a certain part of the process of the elections, then the national committee can look into that and can decide about what is needed to do to the extent of postponing that particular problem - not all the elections.”
The chairman of the Commission had some advice for those expecting to participate in the elections:
SOUNDBITE (English) Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier
“We know in the game, there will be losers and there will be gainers – and one of the rules of the game is to take it well – take it in a sports-man-like spirit. Accept the defeat if you are defeated and promise to win next time. And greet your opponent and wish him well.”
The National Elections Commission (NEC) is an independent body responsible for organizing and conducting the elections, which represent an important cornerstone of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
It is expected that there will be many first-time voters, in a national election which will see the participation of both the north and the south.
The electoral law was adopted by the National Assembly on 7 July, and ratified by Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir on 14 July.
Observers say that the electoral process will be one of the most important, delicate and sensitive political developments for Sudan, whose current president came into power through a military coup in 1989.
http://www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/d/12661.html
TRT: 2:33
SOURCE: UNMIS
RESTRICTIONS: NONE
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH/ NATS
DATELINE: 08 APRIL 2009, KHARTOUM, SUDAN
SHOTLIST:
1. Wide shot, exterior, National Elections Commission offices in Sudan
2. Med shot, sign showing the National Elections Commission
3. SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdullah Ahamed Abdalla:
“It is historic because it paves the way for the Sudan for the transition to democracy and real democracy – the tool for real democracy is elections. So this is a situation emanating from the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) providing an opportunity for the people of Sudan at the end of the fourth year after the CPA to exercise their right in elections for the coming governance.”
4. Cutaway,
5. SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“It must be fair and free and correct – and second – it is measured by the level of participation by people in this election – so in preparing these elections, the National Elections Commission takes this very seriously.”
6. Wide shot, Deputy Chairman of the National Elections Commission
7. SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“If there is a certain problem in a certain area that will prohibit a certain process – a certain part of the process of the elections, then the national committee can look into that and can decide about what is needed to do to the extent of postponing that particular problem - not all the elections.”
8. Med shot, Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier
9. SOUNDBITE (English) Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier:
“We know in the game, there will be losers and there will be gainers – and one of the rules of the game is to take it well – take it in a sports-man-like spirit. Accept the defeat if you are defeated and promise to win next time. And greet your opponent and wish him well.”
10. Med shot, sign showing name of the Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier
STORYLINE:
Sudan's National Elections Commission (NEC) has announced a time frame for an election which was initially expected to happen in July 2009. The proposed time frame indicates that polling will now happen for 16 days in February 2010.
Speaking in an interview nearly a week after the announcement, top officials within the independent NEC based in Khartoum said the elections would pave way for democracy and winners and losers should take it in stride.
SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“It is historic because it paves the way for the Sudan for the transition to democracy and real democracy – the tool for real democracy is elections. So this is a situation emanating from the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) providing an opportunity for the people of Sudan at the end of the fourth year after the CPA to exercise their right in elections for the coming governance.”
Voters will be asked to cast ballots in six elections for the presidency of Sudan, the presidency of Southern Sudan, the national assembly, the Southern Sudan legislative assembly and governors and legislative assemblies in all of the country's 25 states. The final results will be announced on February 27.
SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“It must be fair and free and correct – and second – it is measured by the level of participation by people in this elections – so in preparing these elections, the National Elections Commission takes this very seriously.”
Sudan's NEC was sworn in last year on November 25th, ushering in a much needed election with the hope that it will be conducted in a free and fair manner.
The commission says that it will freely allow elections observers at different stages of the process.
Speaking in reference to problems in Sudan’s vast Darfur region which has been plagued by conflict in which over 200,000 people have died and thousands others displaced, the Deputy Chairman said the NEC was at liberty to make decisions.
SOUNDBITE (English) Deputy Chairman and Spokesperson, National Elections Commission, Professor Abdalla Ahamed Abdalla:
“If there is a certain problem in a certain area that will prohibit a certain process – a certain part of the process of the elections, then the national committee can look into that and can decide about what is needed to do to the extent of postponing that particular problem - not all the elections.”
The chairman of the Commission had some advice for those expecting to participate in the elections:
SOUNDBITE (English) Chairperson of the National Elections Commission, Abel Alier
“We know in the game, there will be losers and there will be gainers – and one of the rules of the game is to take it well – take it in a sports-man-like spirit. Accept the defeat if you are defeated and promise to win next time. And greet your opponent and wish him well.”
The National Elections Commission (NEC) is an independent body responsible for organizing and conducting the elections, which represent an important cornerstone of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
It is expected that there will be many first-time voters, in a national election which will see the participation of both the north and the south.
The electoral law was adopted by the National Assembly on 7 July, and ratified by Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir on 14 July.
Observers say that the electoral process will be one of the most important, delicate and sensitive political developments for Sudan, whose current president came into power through a military coup in 1989.
http://www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/d/12661.html
Tuesday, May 5, 2009
Women's Workshop, April 2009
45 Women leaders gather to discuss gender, women’s rights, reconciliation, and the role of women in peace-building in a workshop organized by the Sudan Council of Churches.
Women leaders say:
“We have a role to play [in peace-making]—not only to eat, give birth and die.”
“We have been trained and we need to go and build the capacity of women in our homes and churches. Who will come and bring that change? Time has come for us to have that change in the south or the north, wherever we go. Money is not everything. If we are determined, we can do anything.”
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